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This article shows how the presumed historical importance of 'unification' with Crimea ensured Russian public support for its annexation. Based on the analysis of patriotic discourse in Russia, I show how within its frame the terms 'People', 'Russia' and 'Motherland' correspond to sacred non-human beings. The ontological gap between them and humans is mediated by means of national history: created by human subjects, history ultimately belongs to the Russian nation. In this context, loving Russia means ensuring the greatness of Russian history. The historical significance of the annexation made it patriotic, and hence, a desirable course of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maritime transportation plays a vital role in global trade, and studying the resilience of the global maritime network is crucial for ensuring its sustainable development. Currently, the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has garnered significant global attention. However, there is a lack of specific research on the impact of the conflict on maritime shipping, particularly the resilience of the global maritime network. This paper proposes a resilience assessment framework under the influence of significant events by combining complex network metrics and network performance indicators from the resilience triangle model. It quantitatively evaluates the resilience changes in the global maritime network before and after the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict. The experiment utilizes real automatic identification system (AIS) maritime trajectory data to quantify and visualize the changes in global maritime traffic during a 20-day period before and after the conflict, constructing the global maritime network for resilience calculations. The research findings indicate the following changes occurred after the Russia–Ukraine conflict. Firstly, the global maritime industry experienced overall growth, with increased ship transportation between ports. Transportation in certain regions was negatively affected, with a significant decrease in ship activities in the Black Sea and Adriatic Sea areas. The positions of Russia and Ukraine in the world maritime industry noticeably declined. Secondly, the network connectivity, network size, and network density of the global maritime network significantly increased, indicating an enhanced network resilience. According to our quantitative results, from a topological perspective, we observed the following changes: network connectivity increased by 27.2%, network scale increased by 36.6%, network density increased by 32.4%, and network resilience increased by 18.6%. Thirdly, the global maritime network is characterized by a high degree of heterogeneity, and the impact of conflicts on the heterogeneity of the shipping network is not significant. Finally, the network exhibited a slower performance decline under random attacks, while deliberate attacks led to a sharp decline. Due to the adaptive nature of the maritime network, the resilience of the network improves in terms of its topology following the outbreak of conflicts. After conflict incidents, the rate of performance decline during simulated attacks is lower compared to the pre-conflict period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses violations of international law and territorial integrity in the case of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Topics discussed include Russia's annexation of Crimea and allegations of genocide, the prosecution of Russia under the International Court of Justice (ICC), the International Criminal Court and an ad hoc international tribunal, and the power of the United Nations Security Council and the enforcement of the abstention obligation.

This article examines certain counterintelligence (CI) aspects of the on-going conflict between Russia and Ukraine since 2014 in terms of key problems in current western CI concepts, doctrine and processes. It examines not only the CI threat to Ukraine during the Donbas 'frozen war' and 2022 invasion from the traditional CI triad of espionage, sabotage and subversion but also from Russian intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities and activities supporting both irregular and regular combatants. The article concludes that a UK and allied approach to CI shaped by a two-decade security focus on counterterrorism and counterinsurgency may not be fit for purpose in a contemporary strategic environment characterized by a persistent and escalating threat from strategic peers engaged in state-supported hybrid conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and failure) of pro-Russian sentiments within Crimea. Annexation is surprising for Putin's willingness to pursue such risky actions, but also because it required elite support within Crimea. This article uses process tracing to test ethnonationalism in explaining support for Russia's annexation against a rival explanation focusing on the role of criminality and crime (financial-criminal incentive structure). By exposing how and which elites defected in Crimea, the article demonstrates that elite breakage and realignments occurred within a financial-criminal incentive structure to motivate engagement in annexation. In turn, this article discusses its broader implications for understanding Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine and the politics of conflict, nationalism, and the wider former Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia, tensions have heightened in the international relations and security environment, including the Arctic region. We are witnessing renewed geopolitical rivalry and military tensions between the Arctic states. In this article, a steps-to-war model of conflict escalation is used to calculate whether the conflict potential in the Arctic is rising. While our results confirm an increase in confrontational behaviour according to militarisation and coalition-building markers, the rivalry marker shows a rise in cooperative behaviour. Hence, in our model, the preconditions signalling an increased likelihood of international armed conflict are not fulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical conflict between Russia and Ukraine has disrupted Europe's natural gas supplies, driving up gas prices and leading to a shift towards biomass for residential heating during colder months. This study assessed the consequent air quality and toxicological impacts in Milan, Italy, focusing on fine particulate matter (PM2.5, dp < 2.5 μm) emissions. PM2.5 samples were analyzed for their chemical composition and assessed for their oxidative potential using the dithiothreitol (DTT) assay across three periods reflecting residential heating deployment (RHD): pre-RHD, intra-RHD, and post-RHD periods. During the intra-RHD period, PM2.5 levels were significantly higher than those in other periods, with concentrations reaching 57.94 ± 7.57 μg/m3, indicating a deterioration in air quality. Moreover, levoglucosan was 9.2 times higher during the intra-RHD period compared to the pre-RHD period, correlating with elevated levels of elemental carbon (EC) and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs). These findings were compared with previous local studies before the conflict, underscoring a significant rise in biomass-related emissions. DTT assay levels during the intra-RHD were 2.1 times higher than those observed during the same period in 2022, strongly correlating with biomass burning emissions. Our findings highlight the necessity for policies to mitigate the indirect health effects of increased biomass burning emissions due to the energy crisis triggered by the geopolitical conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, the role of international arbitrators has evolved from dealing with purely private interests to promoting the rule of law worldwide and safeguarding the interests of the international community. Following the armed conflict in Ukraine, a plurality of States has enacted international sanctions against Russia, which are currently impacting the performance of many international contracts. This article analyses the enforcement of international sanctions by international arbitrators as a matter of overriding mandatory public policy rules. This article also draws a new perspective on the subject, by analysing it from two different yet complementary approaches. First, because national courts have supervisory powers at the post-award stage, the reasoning of international arbitrators may depend on whether such international sanctions are regarded as public policy rules within relevant national legal orders. Secondly, because international arbitral tribunals have no forum, their decision regarding the enforcement of international sanctions will depend on the existing legal theories of international arbitration. After comparing the different results under the territorial, multilocal, and transnational approaches, the author advocates for the enforcement of international sanctions against Russia as part of transnational public policy rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the responsibility of the public health community to address the threat of nuclear war and the catastrophic consequences it would have on human health. It highlights the historical role of the health community in raising awareness about the dangers of nuclear weapons and the need for primary prevention. The article also discusses the increased likelihood of nuclear war due to geopolitical tensions, cyber terrorism, and the climate crisis. It emphasizes the importance of dismantling nuclear weapons and calls on the public health community to support disarmament efforts and advocate for the elimination of nuclear arsenals. [Extracted from the article]

This document is a book review that focuses on the decline of the West and the challenges posed by authoritarian states such as China, Russia, and North Korea. The review highlights two important books on China, one by Frank Dikötter and another by Elizabeth C. Economy. Dikötter's book examines the history and politics of post-Mao China and its rise as an authoritarian superpower, while Economy's book explores China's aspirations to replace the United States as the world's leading superpower. The review provides a brief overview of the main themes and conclusions of each book, emphasizing the importance of understanding contemporary China. Additionally, the article reviews three books that analyze the foreign policies and power dynamics of China, Russia, and North Korea. It discusses China's challenges to the United States' dominant power and international institutions, Russia's use of control over information and media to construct an ideological account of history, and how China, Russia, and North Korea manipulate historical narratives to legitimize their politics and consolidate power. The article raises concerns about the decline of the West and the rise of militarized authoritarianism. [Extracted from the article]

Subsea infrastructure is typically out of sight, but in recent times, seldom out of mind. The sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines in October 2022 has magnified the vulnerability and critical importance of subsea infrastructure. It also exposed a lack of understanding on how subsea networks operate, how they are regulated, who controls them and how they are protected. Ireland matters in this context. Despite its official policy of neutrality, Ireland occupies an important strategic position in terms of transatlantic telecommunications cables between the United States, Britain and continental Europe. The conflict in Ukraine has amplified tensions in this context in terms of the increased threat of grey-zone/hybrid warfare activity. This article will consider for the first time how a global connectivity hub on the western periphery of Europe governs critical underwater infrastructure. It will discuss the context and agencies involved in subsea cable governance in Ireland and identify the gaps in this protection before formulating suggestions for the long-term improvement of Ireland's maritime security capacity. The Irish case is important as it can help inform defence policy and security practice in other island states with large maritime jurisdictions and in particular states with small navies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an international issue entangled with geopolitical tensions, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has had significant media coverage in China and is reflected in the battle for global media supported by different powers. This study analyses the domestic context of news production to examine how this ongoing conflict is portrayed by leading news media in China with a special focus on the 'domestication' effect in global journalism, reflecting diverse frames in different countries. News coverage was selected from February 2022 to March 2023 from the online databases of Xinhua News Agency, People's Daily and China Daily. By employing the framing analysis, this study discusses the strategies used by the Chinese media in domesticating the global news for the audiences in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analysed the media narratives in the coverage of the Russia–Ukraine conflict through the primetime monologues on India's most watched English-language news channel – Republic TV. A computer-assisted textual analysis and a thematic discourse analysis were conducted on the media narratives. Major themes emerging from the narratives revealed that the conflict was represented as an opportunity to serve the strategic interests of the United States and China, while the role of countries such as India in resolving the international crisis was highlighted in terms of a challenge to the US-led world order. Results demonstrate that during 'third party' conflicts, media narratives are influenced both by domestic political interests and established foreign policy traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarly literature on Russia's influence in Europe has so far mainly focused on Russia's influence activities, discussed either as 'disinformation' or 'soft power'. Less attention has been paid to understanding the agency of European audiences receptive to Russian narratives. Through discourse analysis of Norwegian media texts (February 2014 – December 2020) where authors or interviewees accepted or were prone to accept Crimea as part of Russia, this paper investigates into the arguments put forward by these constituencies. Why were commentators, representing various political affiliations, willing to accept Crimea as part of Russia, contrary to Norway's official position? The paper shows that the Norwegian commentators used many arguments coinciding with the official Russian ones put forward to legitimize the annexation, arguments informed by political realism, pragmatism, sovereignism and in some cases anti-Americanism. However, they also used arguments structured by the socio-political and historical Norwegian context. Constituencies abroad sharing opinions with official Russia may provide Russia with a certain soft power. In this case, the fact that these dissenting discourses in Norway represent fringes of the debate on the annexation rather than a strong united opposition to Norway's official stand, speaks quite clearly of the limited scope of this soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we adopt multifractal detrended fluctuation analysis (MF-DFA) to explore relationships between the Russia–Ukraine conflict and defense stock markets. Specifically, we analyze the behaviors of 20 U.S. defense stock markets confronting with the Russia–Ukraine conflict. By using the stock price charts, combined with multifractal spectra and singularity exponents calculated by MF-DFA, we explore how the conflict affects the defense stock markets in perspectives of closing price, market efficiency and stability. In addition, the obtained results reveal high level of consistency while each type shows distinct features. According to singularity exponents, we observe that all 20 stocks can be divided into three types which we note as T y p e s  A, B and C. We infer from the singularity spectra that the T y p e  A stock price will experience plummet after the conflict, instead, stock price of T y p e  A increases based on stock price charts, while stock price of T y p e s  B and C rises as predicted. For T y p e  A stocks, their market efficiency and stability show increments where we draw completely opposite conclusion for T y p e  B stocks. Furthermore, we also note that T y p e  C stocks include two defense stocks having a special phenomenon, and their multifractal spectra indicate the increase in stock price which behave like T y p e  B stocks. However, their singularity exponents reduce during the conflict, meaning the slump in their market efficiency, which share the same characteristic as T y p e  A stocks. Hence, we treat T y p e  C stocks as a unique type. To mitigate the influence of stochastic elements in the experimental process, three comparative analyses are undertaken. We humbly believe that the induced implications are aroused by the Russia–Ukraine conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the well-being of millions of Ukrainians has been jeopardised. This study aims to translate and test the psychometric features of the Ukrainian version of the General Health Questionnaire 12 (GHQ-12). The study included Ukrainian refugees housed in Verona (Italy) between November/2022 and February/2023. The Ukrainian translation was obtained through a 'forward-backward' translation. Questionnaire was completed by 141 refugees (females: 78.7%). Median age was 36 years (IQR 23–43). Individuals with a score suggestive of psychological distress were 97 (68.8%). Cronbach's coefficient was 0.84 (0.95CI 0.80–0.88). According to confirmatory factor analysis, both single- (modelB1) and two-factor (model B2) structures with bimodal scoring method fitted the data satisfactorily. The two factors of model B2 had a 0.88 correlation. Pearson coefficient showed a positive significant correlation between the GHQ-12 and International Trauma Questionnaire scores (ρ = 0.53, 0.95CI 0.40–0.64, p < 0.001). The GHQ-12 Ukrainian translation showed good psychometric features being a reliable and valid instrument to assess Ukrainian refugees' general well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ukrainian-Russian relationship is examined in this paper amid Ukraine's identity crisis, focusing on the historical trajectory, promotion of the Ukrainian language, and implications of continuous use of the Russian language in Ukraine. A thorough but careful look at the linguistic contact history reveals crisis sources influenced by Ukraine's geography and politics. Russian dominance, especially in the Soviet era, eroded Ukrainian language and identity, sparking debates on linguistic, social, and political implications. The impact of Russian on Ukrainian identity raises concerns about cultural preservation. Recent efforts prioritise Ukrainian language promotion to revive identity, addressing tensions from linguistic differences. Language becomes a geopolitical tool, amplifying the identity crisis. The political and social consequences of language choice are creating divisions in Ukrainian society today. This article concludes by emphasising the need to address the identity crisis in Ukraine through fostering linguistic diversity, inclusivity, and respect for both Russian and Ukrainian languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Estimative Intelligence in European Foreign Policy" is a book that examines intelligence failures and their implications. It focuses on three major events - the Arab uprisings, the rise of ISIS, and the Russian annexation of Crimea - from the perspectives of the UK, Germany, and the EU. The book provides a comprehensive analysis of the intelligence process and its impact on decision-making, offering valuable insights for scholars in intelligence studies, international relations, and EU studies. "Correction" by Antonio M. Díaz-Fernández is an article that discusses the author's research on criminology and security. It offers insights and analysis based on Díaz-Fernández's expertise as an associate professor at the University of Cádiz in Spain. The article provides a diverse perspective on the subject and is a valuable resource for library patrons conducting research on criminology and security. [Extracted from the article]

The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict between two major agricultural powers has posed significant threats and challenges to the global food system and world food security. Focusing on the impact of the conflict on the global agricultural market, we propose a new analytical framework for tail dependence, and combine the Copula-CoVaR method with the ARMA-GARCH-skewed Student-t model to examine the tail dependence structure and extreme risk spillover between agricultural futures and spots over the pre- and post-outbreak periods. Our results indicate that the tail dependence structures in the futures-spot markets of soybean, maize, wheat, and rice have all reacted to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Furthermore, the outbreak of the conflict has intensified risks of the four agricultural markets in varying degrees, with the wheat market being affected the most. Additionally, all the agricultural futures markets exhibit significant downside and upside risk spillovers to their corresponding spot markets before and after the outbreak of the conflict, whereas the strengths of these extreme risk spillover effects demonstrate significant asymmetries at the directional (downside versus upside) and temporal (pre-outbreak versus post-outbreak) levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict has caused a significant displacement of individuals, with an estimated five million Ukrainians seeking temporary refuge in other countries. We conducted a survey among Ukrainians in various countries worldwide using a convenience sample and analyzed 144 responses. The participants were divided into two groups: group 1, consisting of 92 Ukrainian refugees who were forced to leave their country due to the conflict, and group 2, comprising 52 individuals who did not change their place of residence. Data were collected through a structured online questionnaire consisting of socio-demographic questions, Depression, Anxiety, and Stress Scale-21, Insomnia Severity Index, and Symptom Checklist-90 during May–November 2022. We found that there were statistically significantly higher levels of obsessive-compulsive symptoms, depression, hostility, and overall distress in group 1. Group 1 had a higher risk of depression, anxiety, and stress, but not insomnia. In our study, refugee status, dissatisfaction with the state of health, job loss, suffering due to hostilities, and the received support from volunteers, friends, or relatives were the most important factors for the mental disorders. A bi-directional relationship was discovered between anxiety and insomnia, with both symptoms being associated with COVID-19 and subsequent psychiatric disorders. This study highlights the mental health and sleep problems faced by Ukrainian refugees as a result of the conflict linked to numerous social factors. Ukrainian refugees need social support programs and special attention to their mental health to facilitate their post-migration adaptation and integration into the host society. • Ukrainian refugee mental health depends on previous mental status, health dissatisfaction, job loss, war suffering and receiving support. • Anxiety and insomnia linked bidirectionally; tied to COVID-19 and psychiatric disorders. • Ukrainian refugees need social support and mental health programs for successful post-migration adaptation and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the growing interest that scholars have paid to animosity in tourism settings, pertinent research draws mostly from tourist perspectives to examine the effects of animosity on travel-related decision-making. The aim of this study is to explore the animosity perceptions of residents against Russian tourists who, following the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the sanctions imposed on Russia, are likely to experience intense animosity when traveling abroad. The study draws from interviews with residents based in Cyprus, a well-known island destination in the Mediterranean that is popular among Russian tourists. The study concludes that animosity within tourism settings represents a complex construct as it evolves and manifests varyingly, depending on multiple factors including media representations, passage of time from occurrence of event, previously held attitudes toward tourists, political or cultural affinity and subjective norms. The study offers a classification of resident animosity/affinity which provides theoretical and practical insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds light on the promises and pitfalls of building feminist solidarity in times of war. By engaging with the empirical material gathered during a peace-building project in response to the war in Ukrainian Donbas (2014–22), I suggest the notion of affective dialogue as a theory and praxis of building relations of solidarity across conflict lines. I draw on two feminist theories of solidarity beyond identity politics—transversalism by Nira Yuval-Davis and affective dissonance by Clare Hemmings. By reading ethnographic material through these two theoretical lenses, I underline their strengths, such as explicit interrogation of social and ideological differences in the process of transversal dialogue and engagement with unpleasant feelings through affective dissonance. Simultaneously, I argue that neither transversal dialogue nor affective dissonance is sufficient on its own for building solidarity in times of war, and the notion of "affective dialogue" suggests how these theoretical approaches can be productively combined in solidarity praxis. While affective dissonance can be a powerful tool to shake people's ideological and identarian grounds, something that transversal dialogue fails to achieve, the effects of such affective disruption may be short-lived. Therefore, transversal politics requires scrupulousness and consistency to transform affective dissonance into affective solidarity as a change-oriented political and ethical practice of collaborative work and struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a full collection of personal narratives published in the journal "Narrative Inquiry in Bioethics." The narratives cover a range of topics, including experiences during wartime, ethical dilemmas in healthcare, and the impact of armed conflict on individuals and communities. The narratives provide firsthand accounts from individuals in different countries, such as Ukraine, Darfur, and Burma, offering diverse perspectives on these issues. The collection aims to shed light on the human experiences and ethical challenges faced in these contexts. [Extracted from the article]

Armed conflict has devastating environmental consequences, adversely impacting critical ecosystems and natural resources. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which has been ongoing since February 2022, has significantly affected Ukrainian wetlands, jeopardising their vital ecosystem services. The Convention on Wetlands of International Importance Especially as Waterfowl Habitat ('Ramsar Convention'), which focuses on conserving and sustainably using wetlands, thus stands as a valuable tool for addressing environmental emergencies during armed conflict. With both Russia and Ukraine as Contracting Parties to the Ramsar Convention and their armed conflict causing a negative environmental impact, the effectiveness of the Ramsar Convention during such a conflict is being tested. The centrepiece of this article is a Resolution entitled 'Environmental emergency in Ukraine relating to the damage of its wetlands of international importance (Ramsar Sites) stemming from the Russian Federation's aggression' recently adopted by the Conference of the Contracting Parties to the Ramsar Convention. This article assesses the effectiveness of the mechanisms within the Ramsar Convention and this Resolution in addressing the environmental challenges faced by Ukrainian Ramsar Sites during armed conflict. This case study provides broad insights into the overall challenges to implementing international environmental law treaties in times of armed conflict. Furthermore, it highlights the potential of leveraging the Ramsar Convention and similar environmental agreements to effectively safeguard the natural environment and ecosystems in times of armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine on historical research, particularly regarding the late Imperial, revolutionary, and early Soviet periods. The conflict has made research increasingly difficult, with limited access to archives and libraries in Russia and Belarus, and physical and material damage to Ukrainian archives. Despite these challenges, the article emphasizes the importance of informed and nuanced historical analysis to challenge Putin's manipulation of history and the distortions surrounding the conflict. The contributions from various historians in the article highlight the practical difficulties of conducting research in the region but also demonstrate that meaningful research is still possible. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the author's thoughts and concerns about conducting research on Russian history in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine. The author reflects on the importance of historical research and the challenges faced by scholars in accessing archives and conducting fieldwork. They explore alternative research strategies, such as utilizing regional archives outside of Russia and utilizing online resources and digitized materials. The author concludes by expressing optimism about the potential of historical research to foster mutual understanding and contribute to peace. [Extracted from the article]

The article describes the 3D printing technology using the Fused Deposition Modelling (FDM) method and the materials used in this technology in the context of military applications. The author presents the potential that this technology carries and discusses the use of 3D prints in the contemporary conflict in Ukraine. The article lists currently used materials and filaments, including a fiber technology that allows for printing of composites. Then the author presents a SWOT analysis of this technology in the context of national defense and its citizens who have 3D printers and can use them to produce socalled “war gadgetsˮ. The article contains many examples of the application of this technology in the defense sector and also discusses potential threats associated with it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The return of war to Europe with the Russo-Ukrainian conflict generated mental health effects even in countries not directly involved in the war. The present study describes the Italian adaptation and validation of the Fear of War Scale (FOWARS), i.e., a 13-item Likert scale built by a Romanian research team and exploring the fear of war. For the Italian adaptation, a sample of 150 young Italian adults (aged 18–30, M = 21.7; SD = 2.2) has been collected. Exploratory Factor Analysis conducted with PCA confirmed the bifactorial structure of the scale and detected two dimensions, i.e., the "Physiological dimension of fear" and the "Experiential dimension of fear". The results of the Confirmatory Factor Analysis show adequate goodness of fit and the last version of the scale, consisting of 12 items, shows good internal consistency and convergent and discriminant validity. Positive significant correlations with the Worry Domains Questionnaire (WDQ) and the Depression Anxiety and Stress Scale (DASS-21) were also found. Moreover, results from ANOVA display significant differences between men and women, with the latter showing higher values of fear of war. Finally, t-test analyses highlight the impact of the fear of war on Italian young adults' mental health and worry. The Italian adaptation of FOWARS has good overall psychometric properties and can be used to explore the fear of war in the Italian young adult population to highlight the psychological impact of war and its relationship with mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the Russian aggression in Ukraine, the question about the capacity of the Eastern Orthodox Church to act as a geopolitical actor and to explore its role on the international stage is more urgent than ever. The aim of this paper is to stress the importance of providing an ethics of peace regarding the Ukrainian conflict, following the classical methodology of social ethical research: (1) I begin by paying attention to the context; (2) I then analyse it according to the normative principle of social ethics; finally, (3) I try to respond to the following question: What could be done to improve the current situation? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, armed conflicts have frequently seen serious harm committed against the natural environment. From the early 1960s to 1971, the United States used Agent Orange to defoliate large tracts of Vietnamese forests. In the 1990s, Saddam Hussein vengefully ordered the burning of Kuwaiti oil wells, resulting in massive pollution to the air, land and surrounding seas. More recently, ecocentric harm has been documented in the Colombian civil war, by the so-called Islamic State group, and in the Ukraine conflict, among others. Whilst international humanitarian law (IHL) contains several prohibitions against environmental harm, the most striking is Article 55(2) of Additional Protocol I, whereby "[a]ttacks against the natural environment by way of reprisals are prohibited". Although this provision appears absolute and unconditional, critical questions persist regarding its status under customary international law and its applicability in non-international armed conflicts. Moreover, its criminalization has not been explored in the jurisprudence of international courts or in the relevant scholarly literature, despite the fact that penal sanctions against individuals are an important factor for enforcement of environmental protections. To fill the lacuna, the following analysis examines the prohibition and criminalization of reprisals against the natural environment. It reviews conventional and customary international law to determine the current status of a putative criminal prohibition and its potential as lex ferenda. Importantly, it also assesses the relevance of reprisals against the natural environment for prosecutions under existing war crimes, such as attacks on civilian objects and destruction of enemy property. It generates novel insights for the application of international law to ecocentric harm, including that (1) reprisals against the natural environment are not criminal per se , but (2) conceptualizing the environment as a civilian object opens up clear paths for prosecuting attacks, including reprisals, against it; (3) the inherently intentional nature of reprisals has far-reaching implications for their prosecution; (4) reprisals can significantly impact the pivotal test of military necessity which arises in criminal prohibitions such as that found in Article 8(2)(b)(iv) of the Rome Statute; and (5) situations of reprisals could impact the application of the proposed definition of ecocide. Traversing IHL and international criminal law (ICL), the article identifies ways in which these traditionally anthropocentric bodies of law can be reoriented to accommodate ecocentric values. This reconceptualization is significant, as the prospect of criminal sanctions is critical for deterring potential perpetrators and potentially adds a basis for reparations designed to remediate damage to the environment. The assessment redresses the fact that the natural environment has been seen as a peripheral matter under both IHL and ICL and has remained under-explored despite the ongoing destruction wrought on nature including during armed conflict. It seeks to elevate the environment to a core protected value under these legal regimes, as a reflection of our increasing awareness that the natural environment is critical for the well-being of current and future generations and our growing appreciation of the intrinsic importance of protecting nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the research aim was to reconstruct the political characteristics of the discourses of four youth organizations operating in Poland in three intertwined dimensions: content, structure and time. In the content dimension, by using the analysis of the discursive strategies, the focus was on political goals and political features of collective identities. In the structure dimension, by using the analytical tool provided by discursive institutionalism, the internal dynamics of discourses were explored. In the dimensions of structure and time, an attempt was made to capture the discursive change as a reaction to the war in Ukraine. Over 700 texts posted by the organizations' websites or Facebook pages were analysed. Three types of discourses were identified, which show various ways of representing political objectives and collective identities. Furthermore, all of the discourses reacted to the war in Ukraine. The results show the scope and dynamics of such changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Morality of the Laws of War: War, Law and Murder" by Marcela Prieto Rudolphy is a thought-provoking book that explores the ethical implications of killing combatants in an unjust war. The author examines the relationship between international law and moral philosophy, highlighting their misalignment in certain situations. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness and morality of current laws of war, without explicitly advocating for pacifism. The reviewer recommends the book to scholars of moral philosophy, international law, politicians, and military commanders. The article further discusses the application of self-defense as a justification for armed conflict, even when the interests at stake are geographically distant. It argues against the moral reasonableness of killing unjust combatants who do not pose an immediate threat, as this can have detrimental consequences for civilians. The article also analyzes the Israeli government's actions in Gaza, questioning the morality of their response to the events of October 7th. It explores the challenges of proportionality in warfare and the difficulty of targeting combatants without causing excessive harm to civilians. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for a reevaluation of international humanitarian law to address the complexities of modern warfare and the blurred lines between combatants and civilians. [Extracted from the article]

Multilateral economic sanctions jointly sent by the United States and its allies were studied theoretically and quantitatively. Theory provides an interdependence explanation for the current trend in economic sanctions, arguing that it constitutes an inherent motivation for the United States and its allies to act in concert to maintain the current 'unipolar' situation and to impede the development of any 'multipolar' alternative. Quantitatively, a computable general equilibrium model simulating the impact of the multilateral trade sanctions imposed in response to the Russia–Ukraine conflict was evaluated to support the interdependence view of economic sanctions. The results suggest that the interdependencies among the United States and its allies would be strengthened by sanctions, especially at the production end. By contrast, economic sanctions weaken the interdependencies between the sanction target and sanction senders, as well as between the sanction target and other major economies. The interdependencies between sanction target and world's major economies tend to be simplified, indicating a weakened role of sanction target in the global economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to raise awareness about the non-application of the norms of international humanitarian law (IHL) of international armed conflicts in situations of so-called internationalised armed conflicts – namely, when a non-state armed group (NSAG) that is engaged in an armed conflict against the territorial state enjoys a degree of support from another state. Debates in academic circles and international case law have focused largely on the appropriate test and threshold for establishing the relationship between the NSAG and the supporting state. Practice, however, shows that regardless of the legal test, the foreign state support to the NSAG in a (or an initially) non-international armed conflict is so politically charged that it leads to a complete non-application of the law of international armed conflict by the relevant actors. The article demonstrates its conceptual findings through four case studies: the armed conflicts in Donbas, Nagorno-Karabakh, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Yemen. Regardless of strong indications of foreign state support to the NSAG in these armed conflicts, no relevant actors applied the IHL norms of international armed conflict. The article provides broader suggestions on the possible avenues for remedying the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 and the ensuing EU–Russian clash over the fate of Ukraine highlight the importance of explaining the outcomes of EU–Russian crisis bargaining. Complementing existing accounts, we argue that favourable preference constellations are key: The more determined, united and focused side prevails over its less interested, divided or unfocused counterpart. We first establish the inferiority of Russia's influence assets (economic, military, normative and allies) relative to the EU. We then use congruence analysis to reverse‐engineer crisis bargaining outcomes in key cases of EU–Russian crisis bargaining, showing that favourable preference constellations allowed Russia, despite inferior assets and EU opposition, to ensure Syrian dictator Assad's political survival, finalize the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and keep Donbass out of Kyiv's control since then. Finally, we discuss the implications of these findings for related areas, as well as for current and future EU–Russian crisis bargaining, specifically over Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philip Short's book, "Putin. His Life and Times," provides a detailed and comprehensive account of Vladimir Putin's life and career. Short draws on a wide range of sources and conducts interviews with individuals who have interacted with Putin. While the book contains some factual errors and weaknesses, such as the overuse of tabloid-style writing and the omission of academic literature on Putin, it offers a critical perspective on Putin's regime, acknowledging its authoritarianism and corruption. However, Short also seeks to clear Putin of certain accusations, which some may find contentious. The book's most controversial aspect is Short's argument that the breakdown of relations with the West was largely due to Western decisions, particularly American interventions in Kosovo, NATO enlargement, and the US withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Short's analysis has been criticized for failing to critique Russian arguments and for equating Russia's annexation of Crimea with Western support for Kosovo's independence. Overall, the book presents an opinionated and sympathetic appraisal of Putin, which readers should consider when forming their own judgments. [Extracted from the article]